Legal System and the Social Construction of Childhood

In 1924 the League of Nations promulgated the first inter national agreement setting out the principles, which should inform the frequent treatment of children. The primal image of the child contained in the Declaration of Geneva was thoroughly imbued with a modernist conceit of childhood. In particular children were seen as incomplete, non-social, weak and dependent. The Declaration, therefore, placed its speech pattern on the duties of adults towards children.The UN assembly of the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), agreed in 1989, took this a compass point further by making its provisos legally binding on national governments that ratified it. By 2003 this included all governments of the world draw the US. The UNCRC, however, surpasses the modernist nonion of children as a ethnical some other. It raises childrens social participation as a goal alongside protection and provision.Childrens participation has croak an international rallying point for child advocacy. It is seen as capable of transcending differences in the social, pagan and economic conditions of childrens lives around the world (Davie, Upton and Varma, 1996 Flekkoy and Kaufman, 1997 Franklin, 1995 Hart, 1992 Lansdown, 1995).From one point of view the UNCRC represents a benign attempt to bring enlightenment and humane standards to all children. It has been use in this way and it is on these grounds that it draws enthusiastic support and as yet evokes a certain amount of zealotry. It has also been characterized as high in rhetoric but low in intensity. In this sense it is a highly suitable instrument through which declarations of lofty principle shtup be made but astir(predicate) which little needs to be done in practice.However, it is also the case that the childrens rights lobby is, for good or ill, on the forefront of the global spread of norms about childhood. As Boyden (1997197) notes, these efforts acquire their precursors in the civilizing mission of colonialism As the twentieth blow has progressed, then, highly selective, stereo-typical perceptions of childhood of the gratuitous child victim on the one hand and the young abnormal on the other have been exported from the industrial world to the South It has been the explicit goal of childrens rights specialists to crystallize in international law a universal system of rights for the child based on these norms.The effects of this, she argues, are not always positive. Rights is a concept which is ultimately tied up with cultural values. Their successful implementation depends upon the existence of a compatible framework of nub and an infrastructure of social and economic supports. The right to protection, for example, may translate fountainhead into practice when agencies, such as the police, are reliable upholders of law. When they are dependably corrupt it can be a recipe for oppression.Furthermore, some aspects of the concept of childhood contained in the UNCRC might also depend for their realiz ation upon a level of economic wealth that many countries do not possess. As we have seen, for some countries international economic policy has led to deepen poverty, ill-health and inequality at the very(prenominal) age that social policy is counsel the adoption of the rights of children.Perhaps, though, this is to underestimate the subtle processes that the UNCRC is enmeshed within. The distinguishable ways in which it (or part of it, Article 12) can be interpreted illustrate puff up how cultural globalization creates both diversity and homogeneity. It is, as Lee (1999) has pointed out, a document that has effectivity moreover because it is ambiguous. It is framed in such a way that its general principles are given a great need of space for local interpretation. In fact, such was the level of disagreement among those who drafted it that this was the only way to make it acceptable to a wide range of countries with different cultural traditions about childhood.As Lee (2001a 95-6) comments If the Convention had been intended to elucidate childrens position, it would indeed crumple under this burden, but the Convention operates in a rather different way. Having generated childhood ambiguity, it then lays the responsibility for managing that ambiguity on the legislatures and the policy-makers of the states that have ratified it.The representation of childhood found in the UNCRC has become more complex and ambiguous than the earlier Declaration. The protection and provision articles of the Convention still emphasize childrens need of adult support but, at the same time, especially through Article 12 of the Convention, children are pictured as social actors, not outside but inside society, not passive recipients but active participants.Role of the Legal System in modulate childrenHowever, the contradictory effects of globalization do not all stream in the direction of self-expression and rights. From another point of view the twentieth century has witn essed increased levels of institutional picture over children. The introduction of compulsory breeding and childrens formal exclusion from paid work signaled a historical tendency towards childrens increasing compartmentalization in specifically designated, separate settings, supervised by professionals and structured according to age and ability.Nsman (1994) has called this process the institutionalization of childhood. Throughout the twentieth century schooling has gradually been extended both upwards (for example in incremental steps towards an older leaving-age for compulsory schooling) and downwards in the growing fierceness on pre-school education and nursery provision (Moss et al., 2000.)Even leisure time is often framed in this way for many children because activities such as sport or music progressively take place within some kind of institutional setting. It can be seen in the provision of after-school and holiday clubs that organize and regulate childrens activities under an adult gaze, channeling them into forms considered developmentally healthy and productive. Such phenomena have been noted across European societies.German sociologists, for example, have used the terms domestication to get a line the progressive removal of children from the streets and other public spaces and their relocation in special, protected spaces. They use the term insularization to describe the decreased levels of childrens autonomous mobility around cities and the creation of special islands of childhood to and from which they are transported (Zeiher, 2001, 2002).Within these institutions, but with significant variations according to national policy, it is possible to bonk a struggle to tighten the regulation of children and to shape more hard the outcomes of their activities. Schooling is a good example of this.In the last decades of the twentieth century the rather instrumental schooling regimes of the Tiger Economies of Southeast Asia were held up as the mode l for producing economic efficiency and were widely influential in changing educational systems in Europe. I have argued elsewhere that this phenomenon represents a refocusing of modernitys drive to control the future through children (Prout, 2000a).This tightening of control over children derives from a declining faith in other mechanisms of economic control, unite with increasing competitive pressures from the world economy. The intensification of global competition and the intricate networking of national economies erode the states capacity to control its own economic activity. In such circumstances, shaping children as the future labor force is seen as an increasingly important option. This, after all, is exactly what supply side economics is about but, as far as children are concerned, it often leads to attempts to regulate and regularise what they learn and how they learn it.ReferencesBoyden, J 1997, childhood and the Policy Makers, in James, A and Prout, A (eds), Constructi ng and Reconstructing puerility Contemporary Issues in the Sociological Study of Childhood (2nd edn), Falmer Press, capital of the United Kingdom.Davie, R, Upton, G and Varma, V (eds) 1996, The Voice of the Child, Falmer Press, London.Flekkoy, GD and Kaufman, NH 1997, The Participation Rights of the Child Rights and Responsibilities in Family and Society, Jessica Kingsley, London.Franklin, B 1995, Handbook of Childrens Rights Comparative Policy and Practice, Routledge, London.Hart, R 1992, Childrens Participation From Tokenism to Citizenship, Innocenti Essays, Florence.Lansdown, G 1995, Taking Part Childrens Participation in Decision Making, Institute for popular Policy Research, London.Lee, N 1999, The Challenge of Childhood The Distribution of Childhoods Ambiguity in Adult Institutions, Childhood, vol. 6, no. 4, pp. 455-74.Lee, N 2001a, Childhood and Society Growing Up in an Age of Uncertainty, Open University Press, Buckingham.Moss, P, Dillon, J and Statham, J 2000, The Child in Need and The Rich Child Discourses, Constructions and Practices, Critical Social Policy, vol. 20, no. 2, pp. 233-54.Nsman, E 1994, Individualisation and Institutionalisation of Children, in Qvortrup, J., Bardy, M., Sgritta, G. and Wintersberger, H. 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